Former Nebraska Sen. John DeCamp is a lawyer and Lincoln and wrote “The Franklin Cover-Up”
By The Ellis County Observer
Posted: July 15, 2012
(This is Part 1 of The Ellis County Observer‘s interview with Franklin Cover-Up author and investigator John DeCamp.The Ellis County Observer is a newspaper based in north Texas)
LINCOLN, Neb. — Lawyer John DeCamp is in his 70s, but two recent events put the author of The Franklin Cover-Up right back in the media spotlight.
DeCamp, a former state senator and a highly decorated Vietnam veteran, unraveled the Penn State child-sex scandal while investigating the Omaha child-pornography, child-prostitution ring that made him an icon.
“Apparently I had done something back then linking the football coach with Franklin,” DeCamp said in a recent phone interview with this publisher. “They [media] called me from Pennsylvania, at least 20 calls…had to tell them the truth that yeah, I wrote the book but I don’t remember everything I read or uncovered. I’d have to go back and look at my files. Somehow or another, [convicted pedophile and ex-defensive coordinator Jerry] Sandusky was brought up some way by me way back [then, during Franklin]…I got call after call after call from Pennsylvania.”
Sandusky, who was convicted on 45 counts of child-sex abuse last month, was not the lone gunman in a far-reaching scandal that protected a storied football program over the safety and well-being of little children.
Earlier media reports — barely mentioned in the mainstream media now — established Sandusky as the figurehead for a more sinister role of providing children to wealthy and prominent alumni, according to respected publications like Andrew W. Griffin’s Red Dirt Report in Oklahoma.
Ironically, several days after the Penn State scandal broke last fall, Penn State’s football team played Nebraska.
“One of Sandusky’s contacts was [here in Omaha],” DeCamp said. “Somehow those Pennysylvania people knew about it from my book; they said ‘you brought it up in your book.’”
DeCamp’s next media attention could come in the form of an ABC News 20/20 special.
The Lincoln-based lawyer was interviewed about three weeks ago along with Noreen Gosch, the mother of still-missing Johnny Gosch, a Des Moines newspaper delivery boy who was kidnapped in the mid-1980’s.
Paul Bonacci, one of the victims of the Omaha Satanic ritual abuse scandal who was present at many parties involving high-level business and political leaders, is an eyewitness and direct participant in the kidnapping of Gosch. It should be noted, however, that Bonacci was forced to take part in some of the most horrific duties, many of which he said were led by “The Colonel,” Lt. Col. Michael Aquino, a psychological warfare specialist who branched off a congregation of the Church of Satan called the Temple of Set.
Aquino was later implicated in the Presidio daycare child-sex scandal in San Francisco in the late 80’s.
The Gosch family, in many published news reports, vindicate what Bonacci has said.
The Omaha ringleader in the Franklin scandal, once a rising star in the GOP, Larry King (not to be confused with the former CNN host), was sentenced to prison for his role in more than $39 million in missing funds from the Franklin Federal Credit Union in Omaha.
The missing money was only the beginning, however.
DeCamp said he was one of the original skeptics of the Satanic ritual child abuse scandal when he first heard allegations of it, but years worth of investigation, exhaustive research and countless interviews and depositions with victims made him a believer.
DeCamp was Bonacci’s lawyer when they won a $1 million civil judgment against King, who was released from prison several years ago.
According to an active Website still following the Franklin story, King worked at a BMW dealership in Sterling, Virginia as late as 2011. This paper provided the address of that dealership (21826 Pacific Blvd. Sterling, Virginia 20166) to DeCamp, who noted that to date, not one dollar has been collected from King in the $1 million civil suit awarded to Bonacci.
With older children, including a daughter who is an Omaha-based lawyer, DeCamp is still as busy as ever in his Lincoln law firm, a bustling shop whose status will forever remain as the lighthouse in exposing an intricate and high-level Satanic pedophile ring whose octopus-like arms reached the very highest levels of the Nebraska and U.S. government.
Located at 414 S. 11th St. in downtown Lincoln, DeCamp said he still receives calls from people all over the country about Satanic ritual child abuse.
According to his Web site, DeCampLegal.com, “DeCamp graduated from the University of Nebraska College of Law in Lincoln, Nebraska, in 1967, and has helped hundreds of injured people recover millions of dollars in compensation. Decorated by a president for his service in Vietnam, Mr. DeCamp is listed as one of eight outstanding Vietnam veterans, and organized the famous Operation Baby Lift in 1975.
“John DeCamp served as Nebraska State Senator for 16 years and was repeatedly selected to be the Senate Chairman and Head of the “Banking Finance & Insurance Committee” of the Nebraska Senate. Mr. DeCamp knows insurance companies from the inside out and the legal system all sides must work with. As a principled and effective Senator, Mr. DeCamp took on multiple entrenched interests and learned well the art of battle, reasonable comprise and settlement when the war is won.
“Examples: Mr. DeCamp represented the children in the Columbine school shooting case; the “Grand Juror” who dared to expose secret facts in the Oklahoma City Bombing and a host of similar nationally known cases. Mr. DeCamp will do the same for you including whatever it takes to protect you and get compensation for your injuries.”
John DeCamp Interview Part 2: Coming Soon
Copyright 2012 The Ellis County Observer
“Walsh Butt Rape” refers to a file named in the El Paso County Sheriff’s office.
Clearly, you can see that the drawing is in file 005 page 09 because that is indeed the number stamped at the top of the page after I faxed this to Sheriff Sullivan.
Many motives have been suggested by various authors, but “killing cops” is rarely mentioned as a motive even though Harris wrote about “killing cops” in his yearbook just weeks before he and Dylan launched their attack. Eric writes in his Yearbook, “ My revenge for the January Incident will be God Like”. Further, on the day of the shooting Eric wore a shirt emblazoned with the word “Wrath.” Clearly, he’s upset about the January Incident.
The singular “january incident’ that stands out in this case is the January 30th arrest of the boys, 14 months prior to the shooting. In late 2001, this document was faxed by this Investigor who knew sheriff Sullivan personally for over 20 years, ever sense Sullivan was a beat officer. We knew each other through the civic activities in town. I called Sherriff Sullivan and spoke to him about his concern that there had been a sexual assault by a Sheriff Walsh on Eric Harris the night they were arrested in January of 1998, 14 months BEFORE the Columbine shooting. The boys had broken into a van and stolen some electronics equipment.
We talked for a few minutes and he agreed to receive my fax. After that, he didn’t return multiple calls. It wasn’t until years later that I discovered the fax published on another website.
After Eric and Dylan’s arrest, they were put into a program for Juvenile offenders.
For some reason, Eric told a counselor that this was a very traumatic incident for him and it’s during this juvenile program that Eric is put on anti-depressants. In Eric’s Yearbook, he writes “My revenge for the January Incident will be God-Like and makes several references to “killing cops.”
It was during juvenile probation that Harris was put on SSRI medications. He was so upset that by the January Incident that Mrs. Harris took Erick to a psychiatrist. As we all know now, these SSRI drugs can trigger violence, especially in boys. In Taylor vs. Solvay Pharmaceuticals, Mark Taylor was pushing exactly this issue. If not for the SSRI drugs, no massacre. The trial was halted mid-way through and the deposition of the parents is under seal, two attorneys are still under gag order from that ten year old case! We have it sourced directly from an eye witness in the Courtroom that this very crime scene drawing was being brought into evidence when the trial was halted. Our source on this is impeccable.
Interestingly, there’s not one thing in the yearbook about being teased by jocks. Furthermore, Eric and Dylan had dozens of bombs, none of which was put in the locker room where jocks would be hit for sure. They chose the cafeteria at lunch time, simply because that’s where they were guaranteed to get maximum casualties from their bombs.
Every crime has a motive. Eric and Dylan set out their plot in great detail. They spent months building and testing bombs. They acquired weapons and ammunition and took target practice out in the forest. In other words, this was not a spontaneous act of insanity. Both Eric and Dylan were intelligent boys. They were both really upset about something long before the day of the massacre and clearly whatever the “January Incident” was, it was a significant event.
When the Jefferson County Sheriff’s release their 11,000 page report, they didn’t include an absolutely vital piece of paper, A search warrant for a bomb and bomb making equipment in the Harris home. The bomb warrant was drafted based on the discovery of pipe-bomb fragments recovered and neighbor’s complaints about the boys.
So, just after the January Arrest, the boys start acting out, making threats.
August 7, 1997 – This Investigator called the Jefferson County Sheriff’s Office to complain about Eric Harris’s violent laced web site. The tip was investigated by Deputy Michael Burgess who forwarded the report and print outs of the web site to the investigator in charge of computer-related crime, John Hicks. This was the end of the investigation
January 30, 1998 – Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold are arrested by Jefferson County Deputy Tim Walsh for breaking and entering an electrician’s van and stealing equipment from it
February 15, 1998 – Using a search warrant, Jefferson County sheriff’s deputies found and defused a pipe bomb in a field at Garrison and Field Streets1 of 39 4/1/09 9:34 AMHistory of Columbine High http://www.columbine-angels.com/History.htm
March 1998 – Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold are placed in Jefferson County’s Juvenile Diversion Program and given anger management classes
March 18, 1998 – Randy and Judy Brown meet with investigators to discuss the violent writings and threats against their son, Brooks, posted on Eric Harris’s website
November 1998 – Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold bring Robyn Anderson to the Tanner Gun Show where she purchases two shot guns and a HiPoint 9mm carbine rifle from Ronald Hartmann and James Royce Washington
February 3, 1999 – Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold are released from Jefferson County’s Juvenile Diversion Program
March 6, 1999 – Eric Harris, Dylan Klebold, Philip Duran, Mark Manes and his girl friend, Jessica Miklich, drive out to a makeshift shooting range in Douglas County to film themselves shooting their guns (shotguns and a 9mm semiautomatic pistol). Once the police obtain the video, they dub it the Rampart Range video
April 20, 1999 – Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold storm Columbine High School at lunchtime, killing Rachel Joy Scott, Daniel Rohrbough, Kyle Velasquez, Steven Curnow, Cassie Bernall, Isaiah Shoels, Matt Kechter, Lauren Townsend, John Tomlin, Kelly Fleming, Daniel Mauser, Corey DePooter and William “Dave” Sanders. The pair injured Brian Anderson, Richard Castaldo, Jennifer Doyle, Stephen Austin Eubanks, Nick Foss, Sean Graves, Makai Hall, Anne Marie Hochhalter, Patrick Ireland, Joyce Jankowski, Michael Johnson, Mark Kintgen, Lance Kirklin, Lisa Kreutz, Adam Kyler, Stephanie Munson, Patti Nielson, Nicole Nowlin, Jenna Park, Kasey Ruegsegger, Valeen Schnurr, Dan Steepleton, Mark Taylor and Evan Todd. This becomes the worst high school shooting in American history
ERIC HARRIS DRAWS WELL. and he does it a lot in his journals.
Now look at this crime scene drawing.
What is Eric Drawing?
A man wearing a star, walking a dog? Then why did El Pas0 County Sheriffs have a file folder named, “Walsh Butt Rape?”
Why is meek and mild Mark Taylor locked up and the Arizona shooter, Jared Loughner, allowed to run free based on HIS “Constitutional Rights” and commit mass murder???
This is our most comprehensive expose yet. It ties the current illegal confinement of Mark Taylor in an Arizona mental hospital with an extensive re-edit of videos regarding the Bomb Warrant, The January Incident and the ensuing coverup. On one of the videos, the news helicopter pilot is relating how the FAA was closing his air space even though he was three miles away! Next up the “Roof Top Shooters” and why Mark is being persecuted and tortured.
Mark Taylor is a victim several times over:
Now, under the best of circumstances, Mark faces one to two years of recovery and may never fully recover from the continued misuse and abuse of psychiatric medications.
Mark has been imprisoned illegally and the “Government of Arizona,” violating so many of Mark and Donna’s Constitutional Rights that I am too tired to list them all, but, I assure you, I’ll have them up on this site shortly, well, actually, they are lengthy, appallingly so! Of course, I may just be uneducated; maybe there is a logical explanation for this foul-up.
April 30, 1999:
tell the official story of Columbine at a press conference.
Days after the Columbine shootings, Jeffco officials were already lying about what they knew. What about now?
By Alan Prendergast
Originally published: September 30, 2004
It took five years, a state grand jury and key evidence from a reluctant witness, but families who lost children in the attack on Columbine High School finally had their worst suspicions confirmed: Top Jefferson County leaders knew something awful about prior police investigations of killers Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, and they’d known it since shortly after the 1999 shootings.
The officials knew plenty, denied most of it, and hid as much as they could for as long as they could. Called by Colorado Attorney General Ken Salazar, the grand jury released a summary of its findings two weeks ago. Although the probe of missing police documents resulted in no indictments, it did raise questions about “suspicious” actions by theJ efferson County Sheriff’s Office brass, including the shredding of a large pile of Columbine files.
Most stunning of all, the report charged that a few days after the massacre, several high-ranking county officials met secretly and resolved to suppress key documents stemming from the JCSO’s earlier investigation of Harris, to treat them as if they didn’t exist — in short, to lie about them.
“It’s amazing,” says Brian Rohrbough, whose son, Dan, died on the steps of Columbine. “While we were planning a funeral, these guys were already planning a cover-up.”
Several former and current county officials have disputed the grand jury report, including District Attorney Dave Thomas, who attended the private meeting but has disavowed any role in the subsequent cover-up. (Thomas is now running for Congress, and the Colorado Democratic Party has bemoaned the fact that he’s the target of a smear campaign by unholy,unnamed forces.)
Yet the trail of duplicity surrounding the Columbine files is far more extensive, and disturbing, than the report indicates. In their quest to protect their own hides and careers, a pack of Jeffco bureaucrats misled victims’ families and the public, trashed the state’s public-records law, and thumbed their noses at civil subpoenas and court orders. The conspiracy of silence held fast for 64 months, until the threat of criminal prosecution finally cracked it. Why would so-called public servants do such a thing? The delicately worded grand jury report doesn’t delve into such matters, but it’s clear that the county had a major public-relations and legal nightmare on its hands on April 20, 1999, and that some officials were grappling with it even before the smoke and screams had dissipated at Columbine. Thirteen people were dead,another two dozen wounded, all at the hands of Klebold and Harris — who’d been the subject of several complaints to local police over the previous two years.
Some aspects of the pair’s contacts with law enforcement, such as their 1998 arrest for burglary and participation in a juvenile diversion program run by the district attorney, were bound to come out soon. But the most embarrassing case was one that never led to a prosecution: The reports filed by Randy and Judy Brown against Harris, who’d boasted on his website about blowing up pipe bombs and had threatened to kill the Browns’ oldest son, Brooks.
Almost a year before the shootings, JCSO bomb investigator Mike Guerra looked into the matter, even drafting an affidavit for a warrant to search Harris’s home. But the warrant was never submitted to a judge, and the investigation was abandoned after Guerra was reportedly told by a supervisor, Lieutenant John Kiekbusch, that he didn’t have enough evidence to proceed.
Given the arsenal in his room, as well as writings dealing with the planned attack on Columbine that Harris was assembling a year before the shootings, it’s possible that pursuing the search warrant could have averted the whole tragedy (“I’m Full of Hate and I Love It,”December 6, 2001).
Several JCSO officials were evidently briefed on Guerra’s affidavit hours after the shootings. Former undersheriff John Dunaway told Salazar’s investigators that he discussed the affidavit with District Attorney Thomas as early as the day of the attack. He thought he had “several discussions” with Thomas about the matter over the next few days, in which Thomas assured him that Guerra never had probable cause for a warrant. At the same time, investigator Kate Battan used material from Guerra’s investigation to help prepare the search warrants that were served on the Harris and Klebold homes after the attack; sealed by court order, those warrants weren’t made public for several more years.
A few days after the shootings, according to the grand jury report, the upper echelon of the sheriff’s office — including Sheriff John Stone, Dunaway, Kiekbusch, public information officer Steve Davis and the hapless Guerra — met quietly with Thomas, Assistant DA Kathy Sasak,County Attorney Frank Hutfless and two of his assistants, William Tuthill and Lily Oeffler, and others.
The meeting was held in an out-of-the-way Jefferson County Open Space office, and the principal item on the agenda was Guerra’s affidavit. Reporters were already sniffing around the Brown complaint; the JCSO had first denied that any report was taken, then decided to release it, minus the subsequent investigative paperwork.
By the end of the meeting,authorities had decided that they would not disclose the existence of the Guerra affidavit,either. Thomas maintains that he was at the meeting simply to render an opinion on the probable cause issue; he insists he didn’t know of the decision to suppress the document. But in the days that followed, the sheriff’s office didn’t just omit mention of the affidavit. Their people lied about what the Browns told them and the extent of their investigation of Harris,misleading the world press about it all. And Dave Thomas went along for the ride.
At a press conference on April 30, Steve Davis read a press release that purported to explain what deputies did in response to the Browns’ complaints about Harris. The statement, drafted by Lieutenant Jeff Shrader, was the start of a long-running disinformation campaign targeting the Browns. It contained several statements that simply weren’t true, some of them flatly contradicted by the information in Guerra’s affidavit. But then, nobody was going to mention that damning piece of paper. (Stung by the grand jury’s criticism of his role, Shrader issued a response of the I-was-only-following-orders variety: Since County Attorney Hutfless and Thomas both thought Guerra’s affidavit wouldn’t stand up in court, “Mr. Shrader gave due deference to the conclusions of these officials.”)
Fielding questions from reporters, Kiekbusch reiterated some of the same falsehoods. No, the investigator hadn’t been able to find any pipe bombs in the county that matched Harris’s description of the ones he was building. (Guerra had found one.) No, there was no record that the Browns had met with investigator John Hicks. (The affidavit noted the meeting.) No, the investigators hadn’t been able to locate information about Harris on the Internet. (Guerra would later tell Salazar’s people that a JCSO computer expert had been unable to access the website but did find Harris’s AOL profile.)
The man who by some accounts had pulled the plug on Guerra’s investigation was now assuring everyone there was no investigation worth mentioning. District Attorney Thomas stood at the podium with Kiekbusch and Davis and took it all in,then answered some questions himself. At no point did he contradict the torrent of mendacity flowing from the sheriff’s office — which he knew to be mendacity, evidently, having been consulted on the Guerra affidavit extensively at this point.
Instead, Thomas added to the misinformation, stating that prior to the shootings, no one had connected the pipe-bomb case to the two youths who were in his diversion program. This is one of the biggest remaining myths about Columbine. Actually, Hicks had mentioned the prior burglary case to the Browns; Guerra recalls finding the case in his own check of Harris’s record (despite the JCSO claim that Harris cleared the computer check); and an investigator from Thomas’s own office had found the burglary case in 1998 after being contacted by Judy Brown about the pipe bombs.
Yet even though the kid making bombs and death threats was already on probation, nobody did anything about it. “I think it’s very difficult and painful to look back and ask a lot of questions about what could have prevented this,” Thomas told the assembled press. But Thomas was hardly alone in his complicity.
Over the next two years, the Browns and news organizations filed numerous open-records requests with the county attorney, trying to track down the missing pieces of the reports generated by the Browns’ complaints about Harris. Tuthill and Oeffler invariably responded that the documents did not exist, that everything connected with the Browns’ complaints had already been released.
Lawyers preparing civil suits on behalf of victims’ families got the same response. Actually, copies of many of the records in question had been provided to the county attorney shortly after the shootings, in anticipation of future litigation — and then locked away. County Attorney Tuthill, who replaced Hutfless in 2001, had no trouble locating his office’s copies of the “missing” records when the attorney general’s investigators came calling a few months ago. The Browns also requested an internal investigation from the sheriff’s office, in an effort to clear up discrepancies in their record hunt and the rumors they were hearing of a botched search warrant. As the Browns recall it, the officer handling the probe seemed more interested in pumping them to find out where they’d heard that such a document existed.
In a letter dated August 14, 2000, Undersheriff Dunaway airily dismissed their complaint: “There is no indication that anyone tampered with or withheld entry of information related to Eric Harris. “Months earlier, Kiekbusch told Westword that the records the Browns were after had either been routinely purged from the system or had never existed.
But that was long before the files would have been purged, under the JCSO’s record-retention policy, and no one has ever been able to explain why the department would purge records that had some bearing on the largest criminal investigation in Colorado history.
In any case, the “purged files” explanation was just another piece of misdirection; the grand jury learned that the sheriff’s office had kept copies of the documents, too, and had withheld them — even, apparently, from Stone’s successors as sheriff, Russ Cook and Ted Mink — until Salazar’s men examined them last January.
The hide-and-seek game over Guerra’s affidavit continued until the spring of 2001, when producers from 60 Minutes II, armed with concrete proof that the affidavit existed, went to court to demand its release. (Point of disclosure: I served as a paid consultant to CBS News on the project and was involved in that court battle.)
The proof came, oddly enough, in a letter Dave Thomas had recently sent to the Browns; after taking a leisurely five months to respond to their demands for a grand jury probe of the missing files, Thomas spilled the beans by acknowledging that “a search warrant draft was started” by Guerra.
Braced by 60 Minutes II about the letter, a befuddled Thomas said he was under the impression that the Guerra affidavit was old news. To the chagrin of the county’s attorneys,Judge Brooks Jackson ordered the document to be released.
The JCSO tried to save face with an Orwellian press release that declared, “A few days after the Columbine shootings, the Sheriff’s Office disclosed the existence of the so-called ‘secret’ search warrant affidavit” –when, in fact, what had happened was a conspiracy not to disclose it (“Chronology of a Big FatLie,” April 19, 2001). But other documents remained hidden. It was part of a larger campaign of obfuscation and outright deceit that encompassed not only the prior investigation of Harris, but the police response to the attack; timelines were distorted or destroyed, dispatch logs and other vital evidence deep-sixed (“In Search of Lost Time,” May 2, 2002).
As long as the lawsuits against the county filed by victims’ families were stopped dead in their tracks, what difference did it make how this was done?In an effort to dispel the suspicion that the county was, um, hiding something, two years ago Thomas and Salazar agreed to co-chair the Columbine Records Review Task Force, an effort to see what remaining confidential documents from the investigation might be released.
Unfortunately, several members of the task force — notably, Thomas, Sasak, Oeffler and Battan– were perceived as having a stake in not disclosing Columbine’s remaining secrets. Oeffler andBattan soon resigned from the task force, while Thomas and Sasak soldiered on.
But it wasn’t the task force that uncovered the secret meeting and the lies that followed. Last fall, a 1997 police report on Harris suddenly surfaced, prompting a mortified Sheriff Mink to ask Salazar to investigate. Over the course of two interviews, Guerra offered investigators somewhat contradictory accounts of what he’d done and who he’d shown his affidavit to.
In a third interview, he finally acknowledged the Open Space meeting and its purpose. It was “kind of one of those cover-your-ass meetings, I guess,” he said. Guerra said he was told not to discuss his affidavit with anyone outside the county attorney’s office.
His file disappeared from his desk for a few days, then reappeared. His affidavit was mysteriously deleted from his computer files, but he suspected that other people at the meeting kept their own copies. Stone, Dunaway and Kiekbusch are no longer at the sheriff’s office. All have emphatically denied any wrongdoing; contrary to the recollections of Guerra and another officer, Kiekbusch told investigators he never saw Guerra’s affidavit until after the shootings.
Thomas and Oeffler didn’t respond to requests for comment. The Browns say they’re grateful that the grand jury released its report, but they’re also frustrated with the narrow scope of the investigation. “It’s unbelievable that you can have this much evidence of a cover-up and yet no criminal charges,” says Randy Brown. “People who were in that meeting lied about my family and what they knew for five years.”
The seventh anniversary of the Columbine High School(Littleton, Colo) massacre is upon us. Though police blamed it on only two shooters–Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold–involvement by unindicted co-conspirators is highly likely. These questions remain:
On the tenth anniversary of the Columbine shooting, USA Today had the gall to print, ” Contrary to early reports, Harris and Klebold weren’t on antidepressant medication [emphasis added] and didn’t target jocks, blacks or Christians, police now say, citing the killers’ journals and witness accounts.” This is just the tip of the iceberg in the decade-long coverup by the Colorado Sheriffs and other law enforcement agencies. Unanswered questions abound!
As the 10th Anniversary approaches, why are there still so many unanswered questions about the Columbine shooting? Columbine Family Request wants you to know that we’re still chasing down facts and lead in an effort to both get at the Truth, but more importantly, prevent the ongoing abuses that create these horrible events in the first place.
From the Sheriff Department’s records, this is clearly “bates” number stamped, “JC_001-010589. What does this crime scene drawing by Eric Harris depict? Certainly NOT a sheriff wearing a star shaped badge walking a dog. CLICK HERE TO VIEW THE SHERIFF’S FILES ON THE JANUARY INCIDENT.